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What Are Health
Disparities?
The term "health
disparities" is often defined as "a difference in which
disadvantaged social groups such as the poor, racial/ethnic
minorities, women and other groups who have persistently experienced
social disadvantage or discrimination systematically experience
worse health or greater health risks than more advantaged social
groups"[1] As this term
relates to certain ethnic and racial social groups, it describes the
increased presence and severity of certain diseases common to
certain ethnic and racial groups of people, of poorer health
outcomes, and of the heightened problems of obtaining access to
healthcare.[2] When
these differences are avoidable - and need not occur but for
systematic barriers to good health - they are often referred to as
"health inequities". The populations that have customarily been
underserved in the American health care system include African
Americans, Latinos, Native Americans, and Asian Americans.[3]
The key to understanding
and eliminating racial and ethnic health disparities is to
acknowledge that they are not the result of individual
behaviors. Instead, poorer health outcomes and ethnic and racial
disparities in health are the result of social determinants
of health care status. Therefore, the elimination of health care
disparities requires solutions based on social justice.
Social justice is the
fair distribution of society's benefits, responsibilities and their
consequences. It focuses on the relative position of one social
group in relationship to other social groups in society, as well as
on the root causes of disparities and what can be done to eliminate
them. Thus, eliminating racial and ethnic health disparities may
necessitate altering social policies, social systems and social
institutions in order to remove unequal treatment and outcomes in
the United States' health care system.
[1]
Braveman, P, M.D., M.P.H., quoted in "International
Perspectives on Health Disparities and Social
Justice: Ethnicity and Disease, Vol. 17, Spring
2007. See, also, Braveman, et. al., "An Approach to
Studying Social Disparities in Health and Health
Care," American Journal of Public Health,
Vol. 94, No. 12 (December 2004).
[2]
Goldberg, J., Hayes,
W., and Huntley, J. "Understanding Health
Disparities," Health Policy Institute of Ohio
(November 2004).
Health Disparities Have Harmful Effects…Did You Know:
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Obesity and
Chronic Health Conditions Are Caused in Part By Inadequate
Access to Fresh Food
Obesity is a risk
factor for a variety of chronic conditions, including
diabetes, hypertension, high cholesterol, stroke, heart
disease, certain cancers and arthritis.[1]
Of these conditions, it appears that diabetes is most
closely linked to obesity.[2]
In the U.S., between the periods from 1988-1994 and
2004-2005, diabetes increased significantly among
non-Hispanic blacks.
[3] In 2008, 37.3% of all Non-Hispanic blacks were
obese, compared with 31.9% of non-Hispanic Whites.[4]
It has been
established that public health strategies designed to
improve social and physical environments to create
conditions for healthful eating and physical activity can
be, in addition to clinical treatment, beneficial for those
who are already obese.[5]
As an example, "innovative public
policy approaches include a variety of policy and
environmental initiatives designed to increase fruit and
vegetable consumption in underserved areas."
[6] Thus,
elimination of "food deserts"
(see below) in underserved
communities can help eliminate chronic diseases, such as
diabetes, and help achieve greater equity in health outcomes
among racial and ethnic minorities.
[1]
Flegal, K., et al.; "Prevalence
and Trends in Obesity Among US Adults, 1999-2008",
Journal of the American Medical Association ("JAMA"),
January 20, 2010, Vol 303, No.3 at p. 235
[5] Id.
at 241, citing American Heart Association
Council on Epidemiology and Prevention,
Interdisciplinary Committee for Prevention.
[6]
Id., citing Jiang T, et al “Closing the grocery
gap in underserved communities: the creation of
the Pennsylvania Fresh Food Financing
Initiative. J Public Health Manag Pract.
2008;14(3):272-279 and GlanzK et al,
"Strategies for
increasing fruit and vegetable intake in grocery
stores and communities: policy, pricing and
environmental change."
Prev Med., 2004;39(suppl 2):S75-S80.
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"Food Deserts" Result in Poorer Health Outcomes
There are places in the United States where no supermarkets
are accessible to neighborhood residents and adequate
transportation to get to distant supermarkets is
unavailable.[1]
Residents of these places, who tend to be members of racial
and ethnic minority groups, must rely on small grocery
stores or convenience stores, which carry few - if any -
fresh fruits and vegetables. By contrast, these same stores
carry lots of high salt and sugar laden food items. Areas
where people have poor access to fresh and healthy food are
sometimes known as "food deserts".[2]
People who live in food deserts are aware of their lack of
accessibility to fresh fruits and vegetables and in surveys
they indicate a desire to have good access to fresh produce.[3]
Thus, unhealthy eating is often the result of structural
inadequacies in food distribution and sale, not in personal
choices around diet.
[4]
The connection between healthy diets and good health
outcomes is well established.[5]
This is readily seen, for example, with respect to diabetes
and hypertension, two chronic - and preventable - diseases
that disproportionately affect ethnic and racial minorities.
[6] Thus, the existence of "food deserts" contributes to
the continuation of racial and ethnic health disparities.
Some states and municipalities, such as Pennsylvania and New
York City, have undertaken programs to develop supermarkets
in areas that once were food deserts.[7]
In other places, programs to create easier and more
efficient distribution of fresh fruits and vegetables to
smaller stores, and better and less expensive refrigeration
capacity in those stores, have improved the availability of
fresh produce to people residing in areas that were once
food deserts.
Small scales measures designed to improve access to healthy
foods can help change dietary habits. And the resulting
change in diet for residents of former food deserts leads to
better health outcomes and contributes to eliminating ethnic
and racial health disparities.
[1]
Vehicle access is perhaps the most important
determinant of whether or not a family can
access affordable and nutritious food. Thus, for
the total U.S. population, between 2.3
and 5.5 percent of all households
may be outside of a walking distance to a
supermarket and lack access to a
vehicle. Not surprisingly, the percentage of
households without access to vehicles is higher
in low-income areas. Report to Congress,
“Access to Affordable and Nutritious Food:
Measuring and Understanding Food Deserts and
Their Consequences”, U.S. Department of
Agriculture, June 2009, available at:
http://www.ers.usda.gov/Publications/AP/AP036/AP036.pdf,
at 18-20
[3]
Nearly 6 percent of all U.S. households reported
that they did not always have the food they
wanted or needed because of access-related
problems. Id. at 6.
[6]
Low-access to supermarkets is most heavily
influenced by characteristics of neighborhood
and household socioeconomic environments, such
as the extent of income inequality, racial
segregation, transportation infrastructure,
housing vacancies, household deprivation, and
rurality. This lends support to the notion that
there is indeed a socioeconomic “contextual
effect” that should be considered when designing
food access policy. Id. at 57.
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Although it is commonly believed that health disparities
occur simply because of a lack of health insurance and
access to health care, disparities exist even after access
to the health care system has been improved.
For instance,
new studies have shown that there are stark differences in
health outcomes of black and white patients with the same
conditions even when they are treated by the same doctor.[1]
Studies have shown that diagnoses, treatments, and quality
of care can vary greatly depending on a number of factors
that affect minority communities including language
barriers, lack of insurance coverage, and differential
treatments based on the population group.[2]
What these studies demonstrate is that the key to
understanding and eliminating racial and ethnic health
disparities is to acknowledge that they are not the result
of individual behaviors; rather, poorer health
outcomes and disparities in health are the result of social determinants of health care status. Therefore,
the elimination of health care disparities requires
solutions on a societal basis.
[1]
Sack, Kevin. "Doctors Miss Cultural Needs, Study
Says." New York Times. June 10, 2009.
<http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.htmlres=9B0CE5DD1E3EF933A25755C0A96E9C8B63&scp= 2&sq=Kevin+Sack&st=nyt>
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Racial and ethnic minorities are among the fastest
growing of all communities in the U.S. and comprise
approximately 34 percent of the total U.S. population. Yet
data on health status point to significant evidence of
poorer health outcomes among racial and ethnic minorities
with respect to death and preventable disease.
Some examples:
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High blood pressure – a major risk factor for coronary heart
disease, stroke, kidney disease and heart failure – is
nearly 40 percent greater in African Americans than in
Whites. In addition, African Americans continue to
experience a higher rate of strokes, have more severe
strokes, and are twice as likely to die from strokes as
White Americans.
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Racial and ethnic minorities, especially the elderly,
are disproportionately affected by diabetes. On average,
African Americans are 2.1 times as likely as Whites to have
diabetes, and are more likely than Whites to experience
complications of diabetes, such as
amputations of lower extremities. American Indians/Alaska
Natives are 2.3 times as likely as non-Hispanic Whites of
similar age to have diabetes. Hispanics are 1.7 times as
likely to have diabetes as Whites, with Mexican Americans –
the largest Hispanic subgroup – more than twice as likely.
The challenge for the U.S. is to adequately address poor
racial and ethnic minority health status and persistent
racial and ethnic health disparities at a time of rapidly
increasing racial and ethnic diversity. For more information
see, "A Strategic Framework for
Improving Racial/Ethnic Minority Health and Eliminating
Racial/Ethnic Health Disparities",
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Rockville, MD:
Office of Minority Health, January 2008.
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Elimination of Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities Would
Save the U.S. Health Care System Billions of Dollars Each
Year
In a report issued in September, 2009, the Urban Institute
reported that, by simply addressing racial and ethnic health
disparities, overall national health care costs could be
reduced by nearly $24 billion per year, including $15.6
billion in the Medicare program alone. The study examined a
select set of preventable diseases among the Latino and
African American communities, including diabetes,
hypertension and stroke, and concluded that – if the
prevalence of such diseases in the African American and
Latino communities were reduced to the same prevalence as
those diseases occur in the non-Latino white population -
$23.9 billion in health care costs would be saved in 2009
alone.
As the representation of Latinos and African Americans in
the general population increases, health care costs would be
reduced even further by addressing racial and ethnic health
disparities. Therefore, in addition to the compelling
ethical and moral reasons to eliminate health disparities,
there are economic reasons to do so as well.
One way to meet the funding needs of health care reform is
to seriously address elimination of racial and ethnic health
disparities.
(See the full report at
http://www.urban.org/uploadedpdf/411962_health_disparities.pdf
)
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Children suffer from racial and ethnic health
disparities.
As reported by First Focus[1],
a children's advocacy organization, 43% of all US children
(31.8 million children) are identified as belonging to a
racial or ethnic minority.[2]
Among school children (5-17 years old), 20% (10.9 million)
speak a language other than English at home and 5% (2.8
million) are limited English proficient ("LEP") children.[3]
Almost 10 million children – about 13% of all US children –
have no health insurance.[4]
But the rate is higher for children from racial and ethnic
minorities, than for white children: 7% of white children
are uninsured, contrasted with 12% of African American
children and 20% of Latino children.
In addition to a lack of insurance and, therefore, a lack of
general access to health care, certain disparities in health
access and outcomes are particularly noticeable for children
of specific racial/ethnic minorities: for Latino children,
suboptimal health status and teeth conditions and problems
getting specialty care; for African American children,
asthma, behavior problems, skin allergies and unmet
prescription needs; for Native American and Alaska Native
children, hearing/visual problems, no usual source of care
and unmet medical/dental needs; and for Asian/Pacific
Islander children, problems getting specialty care and not
seeing a doctor for the past year.
[5]
[2] U.S. Census
Bureau. United States. S0901. Children Characteristics. 2007
American Community Survey. Available at: http://factfinder.census.gov/servlet/STTable?_bm=y&qr_name=ACS_2006_EST_G00_S0901&-geo_id=01000US&-ds_name=ACS_2006_EST_G00_&-_lang=en&-format=&-CONTEXT=st.
Accessed 6/11/09.
[3] Kominski RA,
Shin HB, U.S. Census Bureau. Language Needs of School-Age
Children. Available at: http://www.census.gov/population/www/documentation/paa2008/Language-Needs-of-School-Age-Children-PAA-2008.ppt#256,1,Language
Needs of School-Age Children. Accessed 6/12/09
[4] Roberts M, and
Rhoades JA. Health Insurance Status of Children in America,
First Half 1996–2007: Estimates forthe U.S. Civilian
Noninstitutionalized Population under Age 18. Rockville, MD;
Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality:2008. Statistical
Brief #216.
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Racial and ethnic minorities have higher rates of cancer
and diabetes.
These are only two of the diseases that
disproportionately affect racial and ethnic minorities.
African Americans are more likely to develop and die from
cancer than any other racial or ethnic group.
[American Cancer Society, Cancer Facts and Figures
for African Americans 2007-2008]. African American men
are 50% more likely to have prostate cancer, and are more
likely than any other racial group to suffer colorectal
cancer. Latina and Vietnamese women contract cervical cancer
at two times the rate of White women. [The Commonwealth
Fund, "Racial and Ethnic
Disparities in Healthcare: A Chartbook",
2008] 18% of Native Americans, 15% of African Americans, and
14% of Latinos suffer from adult onset diabetes. This
compares with 8% of the White population. [Id.].
Moreover, because of reduced access to health care (see
prior entries, below), treatment for these diseases is
significantly lower among ethnic
and racial minorities than among White persons.
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Higher
Percentages of People, Especially Racial and Ethnic
Minorities, Experience Absence of Health Insurance Than
Previously Thought
A March 2009 survey published by Families USA, and
conducted by The Lewin Group, studied those under the
age of 65 who lack health insurance in the United
States. The Families USA study found that, during
calendar years 2007 and 2008, 55% of Hispanic persons of
any race, 40.3% of African Americans and 34% of other
racial and ethnic minorities were uninsured at some time
during the two year period. Although a lower percentage
of all white persons were uninsured (25.8%), white
persons as a whole made up 49.8% of the total uninsured
population.
Overall, 33.1% of all Americans under the age of 65 were
uninsured at some point during the two year period. Most
of these were blue collar workers employed in the
service or agricultural sector or those employed on a
part-time, temporary, seasonal, or contract basis.
Thus, the absence of health insurance is related not
only to ethnic and racial background, but
also to type of employment and
social class.
The study, which examined those who lacked health
insurance for a month or more during the years 2007 and
2008 found a higher level of uninsured persons than U.S.
Census Data, because the U.S. Census Data did not count
as uninsured anyone who had health insurance at any time
during a calendar year. So, for example, a person who
was uninsured from January 1, 2007 through November 1,
2008 would be counted as having health insurance in
2008, even though they were without insurance for 10
months of that year. Based on this narrow analysis, the
U.S. Census previously reported that 15.3% of the U.S.
population was without health insurance, as compared
with the 33.1% identified by the Families USA study.
The full report, entitled "Americans
at Risk: One in Three Uninsured"
is available at
http://www.familiesusa.org/resources/publications/reports/americans-at-risk.html
- Unaddressed Language Barriers Affect Health Outcomes
and Access to Medical Care
Without effective health provider and patient communication
in a language both can understand, there is an increased
risk of misdiagnosis, misunderstanding about the proper
course of treatment and poorer adherence to medication and
discharge instructions. The California Endowment, Health
in Brief, "Improving Access to Health Care for Limited
English Proficient Health Care Consumers", April 2003, Vol.
2, Issue 1 available at www.calendow.org. Health care providers from around the
country have reported language difficulties and inadequate
funding of language services to be major barriers to access
to health care for limited English proficiency individuals
and a serious threat to the quality of care they receive.
Kaiser Commission on Medicaid and the Uninsured, Caring for
Immigrants: Health Care Safety Nets in Los Angeles, New
York, Miami and Houston at 11-111 (Feb. 2001). See also,
Institute of Medicine, Unequal Treatment: Confronting Racial
and Ethnic Disparities in Health 71-72 (2002). In one study,
over one quarter of limited English proficient patients who
needed, but did not get, an interpreter reported that they
did not understand their medication instructions. By
comparison only 2% of those patients who did not need an
interpreter, and 2% of those who needed an interpreter and
received one, did not understand their medication
instructions. Dennis P. Andrulis, Nanette Goodman, and Carol
Pryor, What A Difference an Interpreter Can Make at
7, The Access Project (Apr. 2002). Language barriers also
impact access to care – non-English speaking patients are
less likely to use primary and preventive care and public
health services and are more likely to use emergency rooms.
Once at the emergency room, they receive far fewer services
than do English speaking patients. Judith Bernstein, et
al., Trained Medical Interpreters in the Emergency
Department: Effects on Services, Subsequent Charges and
Follow-up, J. of Immigrant Health, Vol. 4 No. 4 (October
2002); I.S. Watt, et al., The Health Experience
and Health Behavior of the Chinese, 15 J. Public Health
Med. 129 (1993); Sarah A. Fox and J.A. Stein, The Effect
of Physician-Patient Communication on Mammography
Utilization by Different Ethnic Groups, 29 Med. Care
1065 (1991).
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Poverty, Race and Ethnic Background Affect Access to
Health Care and Quality of Health Care
Persons with low incomes often experience worse health
and are more likely to die prematurely. Poverty varies by
race and ethnicity. According to the US Census Bureau, in
2002, 10% of whites were poor, 24% of African-Americans were
poor, 22 % of Hispanics were poor and 10% of Asians were
poor. In addition, quality of care has been demonstrated to
be related to income. The US Department of Health and Human
Services has concluded that the poor have significantly
poorer quality of health care and significantly less access
to health care than high income persons. Poor persons were
65% more likely that high income person to lack health
insurance and 67% more likely to lack a primary health care
provider.
Source: National
Health
Care Disparities Report (2005),
Agency for Health
Care Research and Quality, United States
Department of Health and Human Services, pp. 131-132.
(http://www.ahrq.gov/qual/nhdr05/nhdr05.pdf)
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